BOROUGH
The Domesday Survey records theexistence of a royal town at Windsorcontaining ninety-five closes, (fn. 1) but itis probable that this entry refers to Old Windsor,which during the Saxon periodhad been the site of a royalhouse, and not to the newtown, which was already, perhaps, beginning to grow upnearer the castle. The settlement at the place where NewWindsor now stands certainlyowed its origin, as it laterowed its importance, to thegreat castle under the shadowof which it lies. Thus a townsprang up which was knownas New Windsor to distinguish*t from the Saxon vill about 2miles away. (fn. 2)
It is in the reign of Henry Ithat the first mention of theborough of Windsor is found.The Pipe Roll of 1130–1 (fn. 3) records that William de Bochelanda rendered accountof the new and old farm of Windsor, and incidentalmention is made of a virgate which William FitzWalter had in exchange for his land taken into theborough (capta est ad burgum). From this reign therefore, if not before, we may date the beginning of thehistory of the borough of Windsor, which was fromthe first, as it has since remained, a royal borough,owning no overlord but the king.
At the date of its first appearance the farm of theborough was paid through a royal official known asthe bailiff or farmer of the bailiwick of Windsor,which consisted of the royal property in the vicinityof the castle. At this early period the post of farmeror bailiff of the bailiwick was held by the successiveconstables of the castle (q.v.). In the reign ofHenry II the farm of the town was already becomingfixed at £26 yearly. (fn. 4) To the aid of 1177 Windsorpaid 20 marks, 'being pardoned 10 marks.' (fn. 5) Tenyears later the borough paid a tallage of £8 10s. 8d. (fn. 6) For the tallage for the king's ransom in 1195 Windsorpaid 20 marks, (fn. 7) and in 1210 10 marks only, thoughCookham and Bray together paid 50 marks. (fn. 8)
The accounts in the Pipe Rolls contain the firstnotice of the tolls received by the bailiff or bailiffs ofWindsor from ships coming up or down the river.The exact status of this official or these officials atthis date is uncertain, but they were distinct fromand subordinate to the bailiff of the bailiwick. Theyacted possibly as officers of the constable (who farmedthe bailiwick) rather than as officers of the townsfolk,and though they soon gained some official connexionwith the government of the town, they did not enjoyany independence of the bailiff of the bailiwick as longas he remained responsible for the farm of the vill. (fn. 9) It is clear that the river-borne trade of the townwas becoming considerable. In 1169 tolls amounting to £7 0s. 11d. were paid by ships bringingtimber up the Thames to Windsor, and there aremany references to the carriage of stone and otherbuilding materials. (fn. 10)
In 1189 the men of Windsor were tallagedtogether with the other towns and manors on theroyal demesne. Windsor, which contributed £4 9s. 6d.,occupied the fourth place in the county, contributingless than half the amount paid by Wallingford. (fn. 11)
During the reign of John Windsor seems to havemade considerable progress. In 1212 the bailiff andfaithful men of Windsor were ordered to provideten armed men to serve the king, and the fact thatWindsor was expected to provide as many as Wallingford is a proof of its growing importance. (fn. 12) Itappears that burgage tenure was already the rule inthe town, and that the average rent of a messuagewas 2s. yearly, a toll of 6d. being paid to the king bythe hands of the bailiff of the bailiwick. (fn. 13) The kingowned a large number of houses in the borough,60s. 10d. being paid for their custody in 1201.The farm of Windsor remained at £26 in the reignof John. (fn. 14)
In 1220 the inhabitants of the town of Windsorcomplained that the constable had violated a charterof Henry II and done them an injury by inclosingtheir pastures. The king directed that their grievancesshould be inquired into and their rights restored. (fn. 15) In an appeal in a case concerning the vill of Windsortwelve men appeared from Windsor to meet thejustices in eyre, and this, though by no means conclusive as a test of burghal character, is valuable assubsidiary evidence. The case also refers to thebailiffs of the town. (fn. 16)
It is clear that the duties of the bailiffs werebecoming more important about this period. In 1220they were exacting tolls from the boats belonging tothe Abbot of Reading, in the following year theywere levying tallage in the town and demandingpayment from the Prior of Merton's men in the townin spite of the exemption alleged by them. A respitewas ordered pending inquiry. (fn. 17) In 1226 the bailiffswere ordered to pay one penny daily out of the rentsof the town for the support of a prisoner in thecastle. (fn. 18) A few years later they were ordered to paintthe queen's chamber in the castle and line thechamber belonging to Prince Edward. (fn. 19) Orders ofthis kind show that the bailiffs' position as the king'sservants was at least as prominent as their position asborough officers. The appointment in 1250 ofGodfrey de Lyston, the king's serjeant, 'to keep thetown of Windsor' during the king's pleasure, appearsto add yet another separate office. This keeper wasto farm the town of Windsor with its market,common pasture, &c., together with a cultivatedinclosure of forest land, and collect its issues, payingfor the whole £44 a year directly to the Exchequer.It was expressly provided that during the king'sresidence in Windsor the pleas of the market shouldbe reserved for him. (fn. 20) In 1251 James le Gauntbecame keeper of Windsor, (fn. 21) and in the followingyear Gilbert de Tegula was appointed as Gaunt'ssuccessor, paying, however, £50 a year instead of£44 to the Exchequer. (fn. 22) In 1254 he was ordered topay 5 marks out of the rent of the town for repairingthe paintings in the royal apartments and chapel. (fn. 23)
Later in the reign the constables of the castle wereagain granted the office of bailiff of the whole bailiwickof Windsor, (fn. 24) and to them the bailiffs of the townhanded over the farm of the town, which they seem atthis date to have collected. The next step, that ofholding the town at farm directly of the king, was tofollow in the next reign.
There is interesting evidence of the jealous exclusiveness of the burgesses in 1261, when the merchants of Reading complained that James the bailiffof Windsor incited his fellow townsmen to seizegoods brought by Reading merchants to the town forsale, threw them down, trampled on them, tore themand beat their owners. The suit resulted in thebailiff being fined and condemned to pay damages. (fn. 25)
The extensions of the castle in the reign ofHenry III were not without effect on the town belowthe walls. The castle ditch was extended on the sidenearest the town and the houses that clustered therewere taken down by the king's orders, £7 5s. beingpaid to the bailiff by way of compensation for damageto the good men of Windsor. (fn. 26) The fosse was enlargedin the following year, but directions were giventhat no more houses were to be sacrificed. Thebuilding of the barbican in 1249 also caused thedemolition of houses.
In the 13th century there was a considerablemarket (fn. 27) at Windsor, attended by men of the neighbouring townships, the tolls from which, (fn. 28) thoughprobably collected by the bailiffs, were paid over bythem to Geoffrey de Picheford, who farmed thebailiwick of Windsor.
The borough of Windsor seems to have formerlyincluded that part of Eton 'between Windsor Bridgeand Baldwin's Bridge,' since the men dwelling betweenthese bridges were at scot and lot with the burgessesof Windsor, (fn. 29) but at Windsor as elsewhere the king'srights had been invaded during the confusion of theBarons' Wars. The chief offenders had been RichardEarl of Cornwall, afterwards King of the Romans, andhis son Edmund, Earl of Cornwall, who had withdrawntheir men in Eton and other townships from the suitdue at Windsor and withheld their tolls. The Priorof Merton had made still more serious encroachments,holding assizes of bread and ale, appointing ale tasters,holding pleas de namio vetito, and infangentheof withinthe royal borough. The Abbess of Burnham had setup a fair at Burnham and a market at Beaconsfieldwithout licence, to the damage of the Windsor market.The Prior of Merton's claims were investigated undera writ of quo warranto in 1283. (fn. 30)
A year or two later, in 1277, the borough ofWindsor obtained its first charter. (fn. 31) It confirmedrather than added to the privileges the town hadalready obtained. The town of New Windsor wasto be a free borough, the good men of the town andtheir heirs were to be free burgesses, they were permitted to have a gild merchant and to enjoy thesame liberties and free customs as the burgesses ofother boroughs within the kingdom. They were tobe quit of tolls, and their hogs were to be quit of thepannage called 'fentakes.' The eyres of the justicesitinerant and of the forest judges were to be held inWindsor, the county gaol was to be in the town andgaol delivery was to be held there. (fn. 32) Windsor thusbecame the chief town of the county. A year or twolater, on 1 January 1279–80, a further advance wasmade. The king granted the borough to the burgessesto farm at an annual rent of £30, on condition thatthey behaved themselves well and did justice to merchants denizen and alien and to the poor. (fn. 33) InSeptember of the following year the fee-farm rentwas reduced to £17, (fn. 34) probably in response to apetition of the inhabitants, who pointed out that thefarmers before the charter had only paid £25. Inthe same petition they protested against a report madeby the constable, Geoffrey de Picheford, to the king thatcertain land outside the borough belonged to thecastle and not to the town. (fn. 35) The grant of 1280was confirmed on 6 August 1293, (fn. 36) and again byEdward II in 1315 and 1316. (fn. 37) From this date thetown became independent of the royal officials whofarmed the bailiwick of Windsor and of the constables of the castle; the list of the latter no longerconcerns the historian of the borough.
Windsor was first represented in Parliament in1302, the borough being included for Parliamentarypurposes within the liberty of the seven hundreds ofWindsor, Cookham and Bray, to the bailiff of whichthe writs were addressed. On several occasions, in1305, 1309, 1311, 1314, 1315 and 1318, the bailiffomitted to make any return, probably deliberatelywith a view to saving the borough trouble and expense.With these exceptions the representation of Windsorremained normal until 1321, after which date nomembers were returned until 1446, a break of over100 years. (fn. 38)
Some Jews who had come to Windsor were removed in 1283 on the ground that there was noancient Jewish settlement in the borough and nochest of chirographers of the Jews for the registrationand safe keeping of their deeds. (fn. 39)
In 1307 the bailiffs and good men of the town hada grant of pontage for five years. (fn. 40) The town gaoldated from the charter of 1277, if not earlier. (fn. 41) In1314–15 the inhabitants of Berkshire presented apetition praying for the removal of the county gaolto Wallingford, where it had been formerly, allegingthat the situation of Windsor 'in the most remotepart of the county' caused great inconvenience, andthat, from the lack of facilities for obtaining provisionsin the town, the men of the county were very reluctantto come there for gaol deliveries, and that the commonalty of the town was so weak that the alms of theinhabitants were insufficient for the maintenance ofthe prisoners, so that the innocent as well as theguilty perished. (fn. 42) A commission of inquiry into thefacts alleged by the petitioners was issued, (fn. 43) but therecord of its finding has not been preserved. It wasnot until long afterwards that the county gaol wasremoved from Windsor to Reading.
The bailiffs obtained a grant of pontage in 1314 (fn. 44) and 1324. (fn. 45) These grants were probably made inanswer to petitions from the inhabitants (several ofwhich have been preserved) (fn. 46) that all boats plyingon the Thames, even those belonging to the king,should pay the dues they owed to the bailiffs, '12d.from each ship laden at Orpetre and Heddesore and4d. from each ship laden at Bray or Datchet.' (fn. 47) Thispetition was granted. (fn. 48)
The charter was again confirmed in 1328. (fn. 49) Therewere various grants of pontage, (fn. 50) but little else. Thehavoc caused by the Black Death can only be conjectured from the evidence of the mortality among theworkmen employed at the castle, (fn. 51) and from the factthat in 1352 there was remitted to the burgesses 'inrelief of their state' £20 due on a grant of a tenthand a fifteenth. (fn. 52) At Windsor, as elsewhere, thevisitation hastened the movement towards the commutation of villein services. In 1369 there was asurvey of the whole of the borough, all customaryservices being remitted in return for 'new rents'amounting to £7 13s. 4¾d. (fn. 53)
In 1350 the Sheriff of Berkshire was ordered tocause two fairs to be held at Windsor yearly, on the eveand feast of St. George (23 April) and the eve and dayof Midsummer and the three following days. (fn. 54)
An important event of this period was the inclosure bythe king from 1359 onwards of common pasture belonging to the king's tenants in Old and New Windsor, (fn. 55) other pasture in Windsor Forest being allotted themin lieu of it. In 1376 the Thames watermenpetitioned for relief from the heavy tolls demandedat the bridges of Staines, Windsor and Maidenhead. (fn. 56) The farm of the town remained at the former amountof £17 yearly. (fn. 57)
Very little is known of the town during the reignsof Richard II, Henry IV and Henry V. The thirdyear of the reign of Richard II brought anotherconfirmation of the borough charter, for which apayment of 100s. was made. (fn. 58) These scanty notices,with grants of pontage for the repair of Windsorbridge in 1397, 1403, 1408, 1412 and 1425, are allthat have been found beyond references to individualburgesses and to the gaol. (fn. 59) There is evidence of theresidence of certain alien merchants from Flandersand Germany in the town at this period. (fn. 60) Aninquisition of 1439, taken on the petition of theking's tenants, who complained that the town was'likely to be widowed of its inhabitants owing to theintolerable burden of the ferm,' (fn. 61) proves that Windsorwas far from prosperous. It appeared that the townwas held at farm for £17, as it had been in the reignof Edward I, but the profits of tolls, of the fair andweekly market, of the court held every three weeks bythe bailiff, of view of frankpledge, which formerlyamounted to about £17 yearly, did not come to morethan £6 11s. owing to the fact that the town 'bygreat mortality and pestilence at various times wasemptied and wasted … It had become, as it were,destitute and despoiled, and the inhabitants poor andmoneyless diminished from day to day.' (fn. 62) Manyburgages, messuages and tenements lay ruinous, emptyand destroyed. As a result of this inquiry the farmof the town was reduced to £10 by a new chartergranted on 19 May 1439. (fn. 63) The charter is muchmore detailed than its predecessors. It rehearsed thetolls from which the burgesses were exempt, 'pannage,passage, pontage, lastage, stallage, tallage, carriage,pesage, picage and ferrage throughout England,' confirmed the right of the burgesses to have the forfeitedgoods and fines of all inhabitants of the borough inwhatever court of the kingdom they might be condemned, to have cognizance in the borough courtsheld by the mayor and bailiffs in the gildhall of allmanner of pleas, and of all offences touching labourersand artificers determinable by the justices of the peacefor the county, saving only felony, in which theywere not to proceed without the king's special mandate. Further, they were given special protection fortrespasses either within or without the verge, fromthe jurisdiction of the steward and marshal of theking's household and the clerk of the king's market,who were forbidden to make any interference withinthe borough. They were confirmed in their rightsof holding assize of bread, wine and ale, of takingwaifs and strays, and other privileges. This charteris of special interest as being the first record of thegovernment of Windsor by a mayor.
A few years later the diminished rent paid by thetown was still further reduced, a charter of 1444providing that £8 only should be paid 'for theremainder of the term of 10 years,' (fn. 64) and £15 yearlyon the completion of that term. (fn. 65) In return for thischarter the burgesses had executed a deed surrenderingto the college of St. Mary at Eton the fishery in theThames of the yearly value of 40s., held by themunder the charter of Edward I, with right of freepassage under and over the bridge. (fn. 66) The languageof these charters, which refers to the 'rents belongingto the burgesses as well within the town as withoutas far and wide as it is called New Windsor,' affordsproof of the extension of the borough beyond theboundaries of the town itself into the neighbouringparish of Clewer. In accordance with this charterthe fee-farm rent of the town was later raised to £15. (fn. 67)
In 1446 Windsor was again represented in Parliament, two members being returned by the mayorand burgesses. The indenture is signed by the mayor,four bailiffs, five constables and others, (fn. 68) but fromother records of the same date it appears that theofficials annually elected were two bailiffs, with twobridge keepers and two 'keepers of the Holy Trinity.'This introduces the subject of the town gild, whichseems in Windsor, as in Reading, to have been almostidentical with the governing body of the town. Thegoverning body is often described as the gild of theHoly Trinity, and the gild organization was madeuse of for the election of the borough officials. (fn. 69) Itmay be doubted whether any burgess could reachany official position in Windsor without being amember of the Trinity Gild. (fn. 70) It was the avenuethrough which the townsman sought office. It shouldbe noticed, however, that, close as was the practicalconnexion between gild and governing body, theywere never formally merged. The records of bothbodies were kept distinct. From a set of rules transcribed by Ashmole out of a book of corporationrecords now missing it appears that the gild consisted of twenty-eight or thirty brethren, of whomthirteen should be benchers 'and sitt upon the Bencheand shalbe called Burgenses.' Of these thirteen burgenses, those who had borne the office of mayor tothe number of seven should be called aldermen. (fn. 71) The method of the appointment of the mayor wascurious. The gild brethren who were not bencherselected two aldermen, one of whom was to be chosenmayor by a majority of votes from the burgesses andaldermen. One bailiff was to be chosen by the gildbrethren, the other by the aldermen and burgesses.
The gild brethren were to be 'of the substauncyelstand wysest men of the towne,' and were to fill upvacancies in their ranks by summoning 'wyse andhonest persons, Comeners of the same Towne,' or anygentleman or learned man not dwelling in the townwhom the mayor and alderman should think anaddition to their number 'yf the seid Gentylman… be desirous of the same.' (fn. 72) Rules of the usualkind were made for the punishment of gild brethrenwho should 'stryke, myssuse, revyle, rayle or mocke'any of the fellowship, and of those who fought,quarrelled, scolded or defied the mayor's authority. (fn. 73)
The reign of Edward IV brought the borough ofWindsor a charter of incorporation. The first charterof Henry VI (17 Henry VI) had been confirmed bythe new king in 1462, but on 22 September 1467a new charter was granted to the burgesses of thetown (fn. 74) in consideration of the loss they had sustainedby the inclosure of 200 acres added to the royal park.The charter provided that the borough should be aperpetual commonalty incorporate, consisting of onemayor and two bailiffs and burgesses with perpetualsuccession, the right of acquiring and owning propertyin perpetuity. Further, the fee-farm rent was permanently reduced to £10 and a fair on the feast ofSt. Edward the Confessor was granted to them. (fn. 75) The burgesses obtained a grant of pontage for sevenyears for the repair of the bridge in 1469. (fn. 76)
The first reference to the coroner of Windsorappears in 1501. (fn. 77) Almost the only notice of theMayor of Windsor found in this reign is in the king'sproclamation of 1495 concerning the circulation ofcoin. (fn. 78) There is also a notice of the acquisition bythe corporation of the standard weights and measuresmade obligatory by an Act of Henry VII, 1495, (fn. 79) and the inventory of those kept in the gildhallsurvives. (fn. 80) In 1500 the charters of Edward IV wereconfirmed.
The privilege of keeping swans on the Thames hadbelonged to the gild of Windsor from an early period,but it appears that the flock or 'game' of swans hadmuch diminished, 'lost, wasted and worn away,' andin the reign of Henry VII it was renewed, and bythe reign of Elizabeth had increased to fourteen swans.The corporation of course possessed their specialswan-mark which was marked on the swans' bills oncea year at the upping. (fn. 81)
In 1513 the extant accounts of the boroughbegin. (fn. 82) From them it appears that the mayor received a salary of 20s. yearly, the keeper of thebridge a salary of 6s. 8d., and the clerk of the marketreceived 6s. 8d. for his expenses. The amount ofthe fine paid for entrance to the gild was 6s. 8d.Forty shillings was paid to the two members of Parliament. (fn. 83) The borough charter was again confirmedon 10 March 1515.
The building of three shops by the castle ditch in1525 and 1526 gives an approximate date to thebeginning of the west side of the street known lateras Thames Street, and at about the same period wehear of the Butchery and Drapery Row, both nearthe site of the present town hall.
The practical identification of the corporation andthe Trinity Gild at this period appears in the factthat the accounts were entered in the same book andwithout any separation. Payments for repairs to thebridges, for mending the mace and similar entriesappear side by side with the wages of the chantrypriest, the payment for mending the glass windowsin the gildhall, fines (6s. 8d.) for entrance into thegild, 'lovyng drynkyngs' among the brethren andthe like. Two separate entries of £5 6s. 8d. and33s. 'for ye crosse' probably refer to the towncross. (fn. 84)
In 1539 the corporation bought the manor of'Underoure' from Richard Ward. (fn. 85) Fearing apparently a confiscation of the lands of the HolyTrinity Gild, the mayor, bailiffs and brethren of thegild drew up a memorandum on 28 January 1540–1that any vacant lands belonging 'to the gwyld hauleof New Wyndesor, or to the fraternitie or bretherhodeof the blyssyd Trinitie there,' should be held by themayor, bailiffs and brethren individually for life, allthe members being provided with land in turnaccording to seniority as the land became vacant, (fn. 86) the remainder to be to the next member of thecorporation, provision being made for exchanges.By this arrangement the members of the corporation hoped to retain for themselves individually thelands that would otherwise have been forfeited.
Foxe in his account of 'The Trouble and Persecution of Four Windsore Men' gives a very vividaccount of the trials and deaths of Robert Testwood,Henry Filmer and Anthony Pearson, men who'smelled of the new learning' and suffered under theSix Articles in 1543, being burnt at the stake. (fn. 87)
The bridge was occasionally leased out, threequarters' rent amounting to £4 6s. 8d. The totalvalue of the corporation property was £10 5s. 1d.annually at this period, and the rents were collectedby two chamberlains. The mayor's salary rose to£3, and that of the borough members to £4 each. (fn. 88)
The town charter was again renewed in 1550.About the same date the mayor and corporation,uneasy about their position as the owners of chantrylands, were anxiously 'making suytt for the Trynytyland.' (fn. 89)
Queen Elizabeth's first visit was celebrated by thepresentation by the mayor of 'a cup of double guilt.' (fn. 90)
The trading of foreigners, i.e. of non-burgesses, wasjealously restricted. In 1560 'forraigne' shoemakerswere forbidden to enter the town except on fair days,and in 1576 this prohibition was extended to allforeign retailers. These restrictions do not seem tohave been sufficient, and some years later, in 1588,agreements were made by indentures between themayor and certain of the chief tailors, drapers, glovers,mercers or salesmen and cordwainers, and with twoof the Barber Surgeons Company, providing that inreturn for a small annual payment no foreignershould be permitted to trade in the town withouttheir leave. (fn. 91)
The collection of 'statutes and ordinances of theGuildhall' made in 1579–80 presents no unusualfeatures. (fn. 92) It was presented to the Berkshire justicesfor confirmation in 1592. (fn. 93) During the reign ofElizabeth there was considerable agitation for arenewal of the town charter. Old precedents werelooked up, a draft charter was drawn up (on eightyone sheets of MS.) and engrossed on parchment, themayor rode 'divers tymes to court to My Lord ofLeicester about the charter,' and a cup costing £10was presented to Mr. Attorney-General, but thisexpenditure of time and money was thrown awayand the charter was not obtained in this reign. (fn. 94)
An Act for paving the town was passed in 1585,all the inhabitants being ordered to pave the street infront of their dwellings to a width of 4 yards. (fn. 95)
In January 1578–9 certain witches were apprehended at Windsor who used 'pictures of wax.'They were to be examined about the device andthose who were skilled in it, as the queen had beenthreatened in this way. (fn. 96)
A new market-house was built about 1588, thecost being defrayed by the contributions of severalgentlemen about the court and by the self-denial ofthe burgesses themselves, who decided to do withoutall but four of the endless bailiffs' dinners, as well asthe entertainments given by the mayor on St. Edward'sDay, Christmas Day and Midsummer Eve, and bestowthe money saved (£18) on the market-house fund. (fn. 97)
On the occasion of a state visit paid by the queento the corporation 10 August 1586 the mayor handedover his mace, 'offering up not only this small peeceof government which we sustaine and exercise underyour Majestie, but ourselves also and all that we havefreely, not co-arctedly, joyfullie not grudgingly, tobe for ever at your gratious disposing.' (fn. 98)
The new charter, for which the town had beenpetitioning during the reign of Elizabeth, was grantedin the first year of James I. (fn. 99) The charter declaredthe mayor, bailiffs and burgesses to be a body corporate,with the right of perpetual succession, and the use ofa common seal. It confirmed to them the weeklymarket on Saturdays, three fairs yearly, the right tohold a borough court every Monday, the return ofall writs, and the right to have a prison or gaol withinthe borough. It was provided that twenty-eightor thirty of the townsmen should be called thebrethren of the gildhall and constitute the commoncouncil of the borough. Thirteen of these were tobe called benchers of the borough, ten of whomwere to be aldermen or chief benchers. The mayorwas to be chosen from among the aldermen, the twobailiffs from the general body of brethren. Thecharter included a list of aldermen (or chief benchers)and of benchers, all of whom were appointed forlife. A chief steward and an under steward or townclerk were both appointed for life. The charter alsoconfirmed to the town the manor of Windsor(Underore) to be held of the Crown by fealty infree socage at a quit-rent of £4 5s. 3¼ d. yearly. Theexpenses of the town in presents, entertainments andlegal expenses connected with this renewal of thecharter amounted to £119 11s. 4d. (fn. 100) The mayor'sfee had risen to £30 in 1608, the steward's to £5.
From Norden's Survey, (fn. 101) made in 1607 by theking's command, it appears that Thames Street andPeascod Street consisted of one row of houses only,the side near the castle ditch being fenced and notyet built upon. A few houses had, however, alreadybeen built in the 'castle ditch,' which seems never tohave been a moat filled with water, but merely a deepdry ditch surrounding the castle. (fn. 102) A brewery occupied very nearly the site of the present brewery;Sheet Street and Park Street (then Pound Street)were only just begun. There was a public well inPark Street, (fn. 103) the stocks and probably the pillorywere behind the market-house, and Bere Lane ledfrom Thames Street down to the river. Chains weredrawn across the foot of the bridge and the upper endof Peascod Street. (fn. 104)
The bridge was an endless source of expense aswell as income, a large sum for its repair appearing inthe accounts nearly every year. (fn. 105) About this periodthe high steward of the town was often also constableof the castle and keeper of the forest. In 1624–5the Duke of Buckingham held all these offices, the'humble entreaty' of the borough that he wouldaccept the office being worded most deferentially. (fn. 106)
A market cross had been erected in the 14th century at the point where the four main streets of thetown meet; it had disappeared by the date of Norden'smap. (fn. 107) The rebuilding of the town cross in 1635 byDr. Goodman, Bishop of Gloucester, who had alreadypresented an organ to the parish church, roused astorm of Puritanical opposition. The new workincluded a sculptured or painted crucifix. Letterswere written to the bishop, who in reply hinted thatthe town had already 'receaved a checke for Puritanisme,' and the king was petitioned in vain. Thecross remained until 1641, when the triumph ofPuritanism led to its mutilation. (fn. 108) The ruins of thecross were removed in 1691, but the site is stillknown as the Cross, and public proclamations aremade there. (fn. 109)
The accounts for the years 1637, 1638 onwardsgive many curious details illustrating the social lifeof the time—references to the town hall spit, thecleansing of the dungeons, the cage, the stocks,whipping post, pillory and cucking stool, the purchaseof 'saie coles,' the many gifts of wine, sugar loaves,hogsheads of ale to distinguished persons whosepatronage was thought advantageous to the town,including the gift of bugle horns and scarves to PrinceCharles and his brother. (fn. 110) In 1640 there was a dispute about the returns of the members of Parliament,the forerunner of a long series in the 18th century.It turned on the question whether the election ofmembers of Parliament was confined to the mayorand officials of the town or whether it was the rightof the townspeople in general, and the House ofCommons decided that it belonged to the inhabitantsin general. (fn. 111)
There was much resistance in Windsor to the shipmoney writs of 1637 and 1638. Many prominentinhabitants refused to pay, and their goods were distrained; others were arrested and brought before theStar Chamber. (fn. 112)
During the struggles of the next eight or nineyears Windsor, in spite of its position under the wallsof a royal castle, sided with Parliament against theking. (fn. 113)
A contemporary pamphlet relates Prince Rupert'soccupation of the town in October 1642, 'whichbeing utterly indefensible he was without resistanceMaster of.' His attack on the castle was beaten off,and he retired to Staines. (fn. 114)
Windsor, which had been disfranchised under theCommonwealth, returned two members as usual tothe Parliament of 1658. (fn. 115) A double return wasmade to the Parliament of 1660, one being by themayor under the common seal, the other by theburgesses. (fn. 116) This is the second case of a disputedceeded in getting their members returned, but on thisoccasion the members returned under the commonseal took their seats. (fn. 117)
King Charles was proclaimed 'with all ioye andacclamations' on 12 May 1660 by the mayor, attendedby a troop of horse, at the round market-house, atWindsor bridge and at the castle gate. The Restoration was perhaps responsible for the decision of thecorporation to have a magnificent new mace twice theweight of the old one, which had been 'much bruisedand squatted,' and for the restoration of the towncross. The appointment of Prince Rupert as highsteward was celebrated by a great banquet, bell-ringingand a bonfire. (fn. 118)
For some time after the Restoration a large garrisonwas maintained in the castle, and thirty-eight innkeepers and victuallers of the town complained that300 men of the garrison were quartered in theirhouses, in some cases as many as twelve in one house,that they had to allow them 6d. a day with fire,candle and lodging, so that they had few or no sparerooms and were likely to be ruined. (fn. 119) It was severalyears before the town was as orderly as before theCivil War. There were many complaints of 'insolent rioting.' Men of Windsor broke down thegates and pales of the Little Park and used 'illlanguage.' (fn. 120) There were many complaints of 'unlawful conventicles' in the town, and even the manwho read sermons in his own house which the neighbours came in to hear was compelled to leave thetown. (fn. 121) Later on in the reign licences were occasionally obtained for sectarian meetings in privatehouses in the town. (fn. 122)
Another double election which took place in 1661led to a resolution being passed by the House ofCommons that 'the mayor bailiffs and burgesses notexceeding the number of thirty have only the right ofelection,' the decision being made on the ground thatthe inhabitants at large had never chosen until theyear 1640. (fn. 123) Elections were governed by this decision for about eighteen years.
The corporation was visited and purged by commissioners in 1662, (fn. 124) four aldermen being displaced.
The Great Plague of 1665 seems to have affectedthe town comparatively little. About £17 was spentby the corporation in preventive measures and in reliefto the stricken, and the law courts were transferredto Windsor when the plague in the capital was at itsheight. (fn. 125) There had been several other visitationsearlier in the century. An outbreak in 1603 hadbeen followed by the erection of a pest-house inSheet Street. (fn. 126) A house of correction was built adjoining the pest-house about 1636. (fn. 127) Curiously enough,several years before the Great Plague, in 1659, thepest-house had been repaired at the suggestion ofMatthew Day. 'We know not,' he wrote, 'howsone it maye pleasse God to send a visitacion.' Aworkhouse was built on the site of the pest-house in1733.
A new charter, which varies very little from thatof James I, was granted to the town on 9 February1664 (fn. 128) in answer to a petition of the precedingNovember. (fn. 129) It was not quite all the governingbody had hoped for. They had petitioned that thecharter might expressly confine the election of burgesses of Parliament to 'the Mayor and Companyonly as it hath lately been adjudged their right,' andthat the clause in the old charter providing that anyinhabitant might be made a bencher should be omitted.Fortunately the new charter was a disappointment tothem in this respect. It also failed to set out the boundaries of the borough as they had hoped it would. (fn. 130) The only variations from the earlier charter—the imposition of the oaths of allegiance and supremacy onthe officials and the necessity for submitting them tothe king for approval before they took up office—cannot have been very palatable to the governing bodyof the town.
In 1673 the first regular stage-coach service betweenWindsor and London was started, not without complaint from the watermen, who related their woes ina tract with the weighty title of 'The Grand Concernof England explained,' and about the same timethere was a daily post to and from London for thetime of the king's stay in the castle. (fn. 131)
A series of by-laws for the government of thetown, drawn up at a court held in the gildhall3 January 1682–3, were confirmed by the assizejudges in the following March. (fn. 132) Among otherthings they contain rules for keeping the streets ofthe town clean and in good repair. A commonchannel apparently ran down the middle to receiverefuse of all kinds. The repair of the pavementwas the duty of individual householders, who werebound every Saturday afternoon to sweep the streetin front of their houses, no light task as it appearsfrom the mention of 'dunghills, tubs, empty barrels,corrupt or stinking fish, feathers or herbs that mayannoy the said streets with unwholesome smells.' (fn. 133) At night from Michaelmas to Lady Day the streetswere lighted by candles hung out by householders.
Even these conditions must have been an improvement on the previous state of affairs. In 1666 themayor and townsfolk had petitioned the king to helpthem in a design 'chiefly intended for his majesty'ssatisfaction and that of his servants,' that of pitchingthe main streets of the town with flint and stone.The town, they reported, was much forsaken by thegentry, and the burden of the poor had therebybecome so great that many of the better householderswere leaving. The town could therefore contributelittle more to the work than their good wishes, handsand spades. (fn. 134)
The by-laws of 1682–3 set up a system of electionby which the office of mayor was to be held by thealdermen of the town in rotation according toseniority—a rather unpractical method, which endured until 1746, when it was cancelled. (fn. 135)
There was another double election for Windsor in1678–9, the old dispute between the mayor, bailiffsand thirty burgesses and the general body of townsmen being renewed. The question was referred tothe House of Commons, the decision being that theright of election lay in the whole body of freeholders, (fn. 136) a decision which was confirmed on a subsequent dispute in 1689. (fn. 137)
A new charter was granted by James II on 23 March1684–5, which only remained in force until 17 October1688, when it seems to have been repealed by theproclamation. (fn. 138) Windsor continued to be governedunder the charter of Charles II from 24 October 1688onwards. (fn. 139) The charter of 1684–5 was similar tothat of Charles II in most points, but included theclauses usual to the charters of this date. ChiefJustice Jeffreys was appointed recorder.
The only other event of interest during thereign was the destruction of the old market-house(March 1687) and butchers' shambles and the building of the new town hall, (fn. 140) the first stone of whichwas laid on 5 September 1687. It was opened forcorporation business in October 1689. (fn. 141) The cabstand on the Castle Hill dates from this reign, alicence for standing two hackney coaches beinggranted in 1687. (fn. 142)
The mayor, bailiffs and a certain number of theburgesses elected Henry Powle, the Speaker of theHouse of Commons, and Sir Christopher Wren tothe Parliament of 1689. (fn. 143) The usual dispute aroseas to whether their election was valid, and, after longproceedings before the Committee of Privileges, (fn. 144) itwas settled that the right of electing was vested inthe inhabitants of the borough generally.
From the records of the large expenditure onbonfires, processions, feasting and the consumption of'kilderkins of drink' to celebrate the accession ofWilliam III, the royal birthdays, his victory in Irelandand so on, it appears that the corporation was veryzealous in support of the Revolution settlement. (fn. 145) Its sympathies had long been Whig and anti-Courtin spite of the castle influence.
In 1693 the king granted an annuity of £50 outof the revenues of the honour and castle of Windsorto the Mayor and churchwardens of Windsor 'for andtowards the benefit, support and maintenance of theChurch and Poor' in the parish of Windsor. (fn. 146) Itappears, however, that this annual grant soon fellinto arrears, and the churchwardens had some difficultyin getting the money. (fn. 147)
When selling to King William certain land lyingbetween the north of the castle and the river, containing inclosed fields, open waste, Mill Mead and Datchet,known as the Mill Common Mead, and gravel-pits,and acquiescing in its inclosure into the Little Park,the corporation decided to petition for compensationfor the loss of their common rights and for thediminution in the area of the land liable to parochialrates. (fn. 148) The king allowed their claim, and in compensation granted to the town the profits from 31 acresof land lying between the park wall and the rivervalued at £20 per annum, together with a grant of£50 yearly from the Exchequer. (fn. 149)
The only other points of interest besides the disputed election of 1690, are the removal, in 1690, ofthe old market cross and of the pillory, (fn. 150) and thefirst recorded admission of a woman to the freedomof the borough in 1695. (fn. 151)
The Princess Anne had always been very popularin Windsor, and her accession brought great rejoicings.A statue of the queen in royal robes, which cost thetown £40, was placed in a niche in the northernwall of the town hall in 1707, and in 1713 a statueof Prince George of Denmark (who wears a periwigwith his Roman costume) was set up in the southernwall. (fn. 152)
The improvements made by the queen's orders inconnexion with the building of Datchet Bridge involved considerable interference with the 31 acres ofland which the corporation enjoyed under William'sgrant. A petition for compensation for the destruction of tenants' improvements and for the diminutionof the tolls of Windsor Bridge was forwarded to theTreasury. The surveyor-general reported that thecorporation had no legal claim in respect of thebridge tolls, the new bridge being built on thequeen's own land, but suggested that £55 should begranted to the corporation and £25 to their tenantwho farmed the tolls of the bridge. The queenaccepted this report, and the grants were made as ofthe royal bounty. To compensate the corporationfor the other improvements an annual grant of £20per annum was authorized. (fn. 153)
At the general election of 1715 Christopher Wrenand Robert Gayer were returned in the Tory interest,but their return was petitioned against on the groundof illegal practices and they were unseated. Theinfluence of the constable and of the king's nameseems to have been unfairly used. One man saidthat he had been offered the making of buckskinbreeches for several families at one guinea per pair ifhe voted for the petitioners. Sir Henry Ashurstand Samuel Travers were declared duly elected, thedecision being made, of course, by a vote of theHouse on party lines. (fn. 154)
According to Horace Walpole, in the election of1737, which resulted in a tie with regard to twocandidates, the Duke of Marlborough had acted 'avery indecent and precipitate part.' It appears thatthe duke and duch*ess both favoured the opponent ofLord Vere Beauclerk, who was declared elected. (fn. 155)
In 1725 a schoolhouse was built on the north sideof the churchyard, (fn. 156) and in 1733 the workhousebuilt on the site of the old pest-house, near 'PuttocksGate,' was conveyed by the corporation to trustees,with the proviso that if there were a further outbreakof plague the house should be used as a pest-house.Though used as a workhouse for some years, thebuilding later became an ordinary poor-house, supported by the poor rates. This was its state in1835. (fn. 157)
A difficulty arose about the grant of £50 a yearmade by William III to the mayor and churchwardens, (fn. 158) and the control of the money paid to thetown by way of compensation was later transferred tothe Patent Office, from which £100 per annum waspaid to the overseers of the poor and £20 per annumto the churchwardens. (fn. 159) There was a similar difficultyover the £20 granted by Queen Anne to the corporation in 1708, which had usually been paid by themto the churchwardens and overseers for the use of thepoor of the parish. One or two attempts—in 1732and 1772—were made by the corporation to withholdthe money. The churchwardens remonstrated in vain,and after much discussion and many years of delaythey had recourse to litigation. On 10 February1800 the Court of Exchequer gave judgement for thechurchwardens, ordering the corporation to refundthe arrears from 1771. These arrears with interest(£642 10s.) were invested in consols, the income beingused by the churchwardens for church expenses. (fn. 160)
Political feeling ran very high at this period, andevery election threw the town into a ferment. Thesuccessful candidate at the election of 1757 said thatthe contest had cost him £4,000, 'besides moreanxiety than he ever had in his life,' and it wasreported that the whole town and Eton as well werein an uproar. (fn. 161) The average number of electorsvaried between three and four hundred; majoritieswere small and bribery was elaborately organized.George III, in his anxiety to get the control of aconsiderable party in the House of Commons, usedall his influence in the election of 1780. The kingwrote in a private letter that the corporation had'ever been adverse to Government,' but that it wasnow anxious to have a candidate 'recommendedby Administration,' and that the inhabitants would'warmly espouse the cause of such a person.' Theking favoured the candidature of Mr. Powney againstthe sitting member, Admiral Keppel, who hethought 'could be thrown without any difficulty';he decided to get his tradesmen 'encouraged toappear for him,' had the names of members of theroyal household entered as occupiers of royal housesand so forth. The election resulted in Keppel'sdefeat. Rockingham wrote that 'the Squire ofWindsor had prevailed against Keppel.' Walpolereported that all the royal bakers and brewers andbutchers had voted against him. (fn. 162)
The condition of the streets of the borough wasgreatly improved by the changes introduced underthe Act of 1769 'for the better paving, cleansing,lighting and watching of the streets and lanes in theparish and borough of New Windsor.' (fn. 163) The streetswere repaved, glass lamps were set up and six watchmen were appointed, the cost being provided for outof the rates.
The jubilee of George III was the occasion ofgreat rejoicings in the borough, and the queen andother members of the royal family were present atthe roasting of an ox in Bachelor's Acre. Anobelisk to commemorate this occasion was erected inBachelor's Acre by 'the Bachelors of Windsor, as atribute of their gratitude for the particular esteem he[the king] has on all occasions manifested for theirnative town.' (fn. 164)
On the destruction of the old prison in the castleby George III a new gaol was built by the king inthe borough. (fn. 165)
The election of 1802 was preceded by vestry cabalsand monthly meetings in public-houses. Many complaints were made of the enormous expenditurenecessary in Windsor elections. Canvassing 'by secretmeans and public entertainments' went on formonths before the poll was opened. It was allegedthat in the contest of 1794 £9,000 had been 'circulated amongst Inn Keepers and Lawyers, Printers' andother Devils,' and that two years later 'a further Sumof between Six and Seven Thousand Pounds wasbrought to market.' (fn. 166) The hand-bills circulated onboth sides are curious for their violent language andbitter personal attacks.
In the election on the eve of the Reform Act in1831 the town was addressed by candidates vyingwith each other in their zeal for reform and anxietyto reduce the expense of elections and 'maintain thepure spirit of the elective franchise.' (fn. 167)
By the Reform Act of 1832 the borough franchise,which since 1690 had been vested in all householderspaying scot and lot, was slightly modified; it wasprovided that all electors were to be registered, andsix months' residence within the borough or within7 miles of it was required. (fn. 168) In the following yearan Act was passed to extend the borough boundaries,to include part of the parish of Clewer, together withthe lower ward of the castle, which contained theresidences of the Provost and fellows of St. George'sChapel, of the Poor Knights and others. (fn. 169) The partof the parish of Clewer thus included was defined bythe Act as the part lying east of the followingboundary:—
'From the point at which the Goswell Ditch (fn. 170) joins the River Thames, along the Goswell Ditch tothe point at which the same meets Clewer Lane, thenwestward, along Clewer Lane to a point twenty-five yards distant from the point last described, thencein a straight line to the north-western corner of theenclosure wall of the cavalry barracks; thence alongthe western enclosure wall of the cavalry barracks tothe point at which the same cuts the boundary of theparish of New Windsor.' Under the Reform Act of1867 it was provided that Windsor should be represented in Parliament by one member instead of two.
Poor relief in the parish of Windsor had beenadministered in the 18th and early 19th centuries bya committee of twelve inhabitants and by four overseers and their assistant. (fn. 171) The usual system ofgiving relief out of the rates to supplement wages inproportion to the size of the family (fn. 172) had been followed in Windsor, where the amount raised by wayof poor rate in 1830 had reached £3, 705 8s. 6½d.The only form of employment provided for the ablebodied pauper was work on the roads. By the PoorLaw Amendment Act of 1835 (fn. 173) Windsor becamethe centre of a Poor Law Union, and a workhousefor the union was built in Old Windsor.
The Report of the Commission on Municipal Corporations, presented in January 1834, (fn. 174) throws muchlight on the constitution of Windsor in the earlyyears of the 19th century. The corporation wasappointed as provided by the charter of Charles IIwith a few variations, the under steward and commonclerk being replaced by a recorder (who appointeda barrister as his deputy) and a town clerk.
Under the Act of 1835 (fn. 175) the composition of thegoverning body of Windsor was modified. The corporation was to consist of the mayor, six aldermenand eighteen councillors (the old division into themayor, chief benchers and younger brethren beingswept away). The town was divided into two wards.Other changes made by the Act were the abolition ofthe offices of high steward and under steward, whowere replaced by a recorder; the limitation of thecriminal jurisdiction enjoyed under the charter; theabolition of the obsolete right of exclusive trading;and the removal from the control of the corporationof estates held in trust for charitable purposes.
At the beginning of the 19th century three fairs—on Easter Tuesday, 5 July and 25 October—wereheld yearly. (fn. 176) At the present day the October fairis still held.
Since the Great Western and South Western railways were brought to Windsor in the middle of the19th century the town has spread rapidly, and therehas been a considerable increase of population.
During the years 1851 and 1852 the houses in thecastle ditch which formed the east and south-eastsides of Thames Street were taken down, and withthe destruction in 1857 of the old house at the footof the Hundred Steps, the property of the dean andchapter, which had remains of mediaeval work, thelast house abutting on the castle was removed. (fn. 177)
The corporation now consists of a high steward, amayor, six aldermen and eighteen councillors, arecorder, treasurer and town clerk.
The corporation plate includes a silver-gilt mace3 ft. 6 in. long, with a richly chased shaft, the basebeing adorned with the arms of the borough, and thehead, which is elaborately worked, with the nationalemblems, each surmounted by a crown and the lettersC.R. Its date is 1660. There is a tall covered cupof the same date and a smaller cup dated 1627.The mayor's chain and badge were given byGeorge IV in 1820 and enlarged by William IVin 1830.
The early 14th-century seal of the town has beenpreserved. It bears a triple towered castle betweenthe arms of England and of Castile and Leon. The15th-century seal has a castle with four towers, surmounted by a stag's head, between the antlers ofwhich are the arms of France and England quarterly.
